Michele Ellner from CODEPINK met with Nodal’s director, Pili Giménez, to discuss the outcomes of Argentina’s legislative elections held on October 26, the victory of Milei’s party, and the implications for the future of Peronism.
We’ve come from a complex election. How would you describe the results and their initial impact?
Pili Giménez: We’ve faced an electoral defeat. The coalition formed within Peronism, alongside its alliances from the Justicialist Party, was defeated in the elections. Many analyses can be made regarding the electoral outcome, such as the distribution of forces, the upcoming struggles in the Chamber of Deputies and Senators, and the majorities at play. This institutional analysis within formal democracy is important, as how laws and decrees are negotiated holds significance. Milei needs a majority to govern effectively, without relying on an exceptional state—something I believe he wouldn’t hesitate to do, as seen in Ecuador. That scenario cannot be ruled out either.
Beyond the electoral outcome, how do you view the new landscape of political forces?
Pili Giménez: I believe these elections confirm the establishment of a right-wing party, as an alliance was achieved between the emergent actors represented by Milei and the traditional Argentine oligarchy represented by macrismo. As a majority, aligned within La Libertad Avanza, they constitute a united right-wing party, which will now lead the power struggle—not between Macri and what Milei represents. This alignment among all sectors of the right has not occurred in history, giving it substantial weight. We will need to contend with this, as cohesion makes it more challenging to break apart, while fragmentation may allow for presenting a cohesive alternative more easily.
What is the situation within Peronism now?
Pili Giménez: Within Peronism, we see the formation of a core group. We will reassess the hard core of Peronism in the province of Buenos Aires, which remains the main bastion of Peronist votes, accounting for 40 percent of Argentina’s electoral roll. What happened was that while La Libertad Avanza won due to the absence of vote accumulation—since elections were split—the local candidates selected on September 7 somewhat blurred the national election. This loss of vote carry-over from mayors and councilors impacted the national election results, favoring La Libertad Avanza in Buenos Aires.
What conclusions can you draw regarding leadership and direction within the movement?
Pili Giménez: There was already an understanding about the dynamics across provinces. In Santa Fe and Córdoba, there were expectations that Fuerza Patria would establish itself. Various scenarios were considered, but what we learned is the baseline of voter support. This election also highlighted an acute leadership crisis. The internal conflicts between Máximo Kirchner and Axel Kicillof obscure Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s critical role as the major reference point for Peronism: a woman, former president, ex-vice president, and electoral strategy architect, with both successes and mistakes.
The figure of Cristina has become less prominent, particularly since she is imprisoned and politically marginalized. It’s no coincidence that efforts are made to exclude her from the political sphere. It’s no longer about physical annihilation; rather, it’s about strategies that aim to push her out of the game. Nevertheless, I believe Cristina plays a central role in uniting this hardcore base of thirty to forty percent and in building a programmatic unity—not just electoral unity, but a programmatic one. We need to formulate central themes and common points that challenge a political program, rather than limiting ourselves to electoral unity.
What role should the rest of the movement play in this context?
Pili Giménez: Yes, I believe this task does not fall solely on Cristina; rather, it is the responsibility of all of us within Peronism. We are charged with the task of political engagement and radicalization. I also believe there is a need for radicalization. Just as the right has radicalized, introducing a disruptive character who starkly contrasts traditional right-wing politics with a radicalized discourse regarding the political program he embodies, we have yet to build a similar radicality. This is something we must address headed into 2027: setting debate themes and organizing political frameworks from the Peronist side that radicalize and rebuild social fabric, linking with the thirty percent that ultimately mobilizes in the field—our most militant base.
You mention the need to rebuild social fabric. How does this translate to electoral terms?
Pili Giménez: Through the rebuilding of social fabric and establishing programmatic unity, we can think about rekindling the interest of that mobile vote that recently supported La Libertad Avanza but previously voted for Alberto Fernández to oust Macri. This is not a hard vote; at least twenty percent of the electorate is still in play. With programmatic unity, radicalization, and social fabric reconstruction, we can facilitate outreach.
What challenges do you see in connecting with the youth and the digital landscape?
Pili Giménez: We need to understand digital natives and devise a strategy to avoid becoming a conservative party. We must develop an understanding of the transformations taking place, including these new forms of subjectivity imposed by social media. As I mentioned, Milei has interpreted this well; the right has done it effectively. We still have a strategy to build regarding how we will engage with digitization, considering that individuals spend eight hours in front of screens.
We should create state proposals that take into account the development of artificial intelligence. Public universities need transformation. What we defended five years ago is no longer sufficient; we must rethink and reinvent our stance. To win people over, it’s vital to propose measures that connect with the reality they experience day by day.
If a person spends eight hours on their phone, they consume a quantity of content that shapes their worldview and public opinion, akin to the roles once played by radio and newspapers. This results in agitation and propaganda, which predominantly carries right-wing content, even fascist in nature. Thus, I believe we must view this as a battleground and actively fight to rebuild cohesion and facilitate a majority that not only debates electorally but also discusses the model of the country.
We must reinvigorate discussions around anti-imperialism and revolution—topics that have become blurred. We have found ourselves trapped in a social-democratic or woke dilemma, limited to a single agenda without addressing other central issues critical to the transformations taking place.
How does all this relate to the current Latin American context?
Pili Giménez: In the current Latin American situation, we need Argentina to play a leading role in fostering Latin American unity during such difficult times, particularly with factions resembling neofascism and the delicate situation in the Caribbean, where Venezuela faces an imminent attack from the United States—issues we cannot afford to ignore. In Argentina, we cannot be indifferent to such circumstances.
I believe part of radicalization involves placing these topics on the agenda, along with Palestine, which is often viewed through a problematic lens by Peronism regarding the reproduction of the two demons theory: labeling Palestinian political organizations as terrorists and reiterating the narrative that the thirty thousand disappeared were also terrorists for attempting to transform their unjust world. All these issues contribute to rebuilding our social strength and catalyzing a revolutionary initiative in our country.
The Citizen
