Original article: “Su padre cogobernó Bolivia con EE.UU.»: politóloga liga a dinastía de Rodrigo Paz con política «sumisa al consenso de Washington”
The recently elected president of Bolivia, Rodrigo Paz (Christian Democratic Party), is the latest link in a political dynasty historically aligned with neoliberal principles and a subordinate relationship with the United States, noted Bolivian political scientist Valentina Enríquez.
In a discussion on the show La Mañanera, hosted by Javier Pineda Olcay, the analyst dissected the intricate family power dynamics, the profile of the winning political duo, and the challenges facing progressivism in the Andean nation.
Enríquez began by positioning Rodrigo Paz within a political lineage dating back to the foundational figure of Víctor Paz Estenssoro, who served as Bolivia’s president four times (1952-1956, 1960-1964, August to November 1964, and 1985-1989).
«Rodrigo Paz is the third member of the Paz dynasty to assume the presidency; his great-uncle was Víctor Paz Estenssoro, who led the agrarian reform during his first term. Later, he played a critical role in advancing neoliberalism during his subsequent presidency,» explained the expert, highlighting the ideological evolution of this political dynasty.
The discussion then shifted to the presidency of Jaime Paz Zamora, the father of the newly elected president.
«Paz Zamora served as president from 1989 to 1993 and is recognized as one of Bolivia’s most privatizing leaders, effectively governing alongside the United States—characterized by submissive policies that adhered closely to the Washington Consensus,» she stated.
«This context also gives rise to Rodrigo Paz, stemming from a family deeply rooted in political affairs. Rodrigo Paz has served as a councilor, deputy, and remains a senator until he assumes the presidency; he was also the mayor of Tarija,» Enríquez elaborated.
Election Between Heirs: Two Sides of the Same Power
The electoral runoff was described by the political analyst as an intrinsic contest within the same power bloc. «Both candidates in the runoff, Jorge ‘Tuto’ Quiroga (Libre Alliance) and Rodrigo Paz, are heirs to old political families. They are themselves seasoned politicians tied to dynastic legacies; this was indeed a runoff among heirs,» she stated.
Enríquez noted Tuto Quiroga’s connections to Hugo Banzer Suárez, the Bolivian dictator who served as president from 1971 to 1979 and again from 1997 to 2001.
«He was the political protégé of Hugo Banzer Suárez, one of the bloodiest dictators Bolivia has seen from ’71 to ’79. Even during his second term, which was nominally democratic in the 90s, it was with the help of Tuto Quiroga, who served as his vice president,» she recalled.
In her analysis, Valentina Enríquez emphasized the interconnections between the two political families that «governed together at one point,» highlighting that Tuto Quiroga served as finance minister during Jaime Paz Zamora’s administration, the father of his opponent.
«My point here is both represent two sides of the same power. It’s an intra-bourgeois dispute witnessed in the Bolivian runoff elections,» she asserted.
However, she also noted distinctions between them, stating that Tuto Quiroga embodies a more radical far-right stance, advocating an openly austere political agenda that includes doubling the national debt with the IMF.
«On the other hand, Rodrigo Paz proposes a neoliberal adjustment and a reduction of the state, yet the campaign strategies show a divergence,» she pointed out.
A critical fact highlighted to illustrate the discontent is that «of nearly 8 million registered voters in Bolivia, only 39% opted for these two political forces. Therefore, what we have experienced is an election without a real choice,» she noted.
The Decisive Factor: Edman Lara, the ‘Paco’ Who Is Not a ‘Paco’
The political scientist argued that the victory cannot be solely attributed to Paz but also to his running mate, former police captain Edman Lara.
«Edman Lara has been the key factor (…), but who is Edman Lara? The candidate who truly drove Rodrigo Paz’s victory,» Enríquez pointed out, describing the new vice president of Bolivia as an ‘outsider’ emerging from the police force and social media.
«He was born in Punata, a deeply agrarian town in Cochabamba, coming from a humble background. Like many from rural areas, he saw joining the police as a means of social advancement. Thus, he enrolled in the police academy and built a 15-year career, eventually becoming captain while studying law at the Universidad Unión Bolivariana,» she remembered.
Between 2021 and 2022, «this figure began to expose corruption within the Ministry of Government and the police force. He created a TikTok channel where he went live, gathering numerous supporters and followers.»
«These corruption allegations began to extend to other government departments amid an economic crisis. It’s important to emphasize that this crisis is not caused by leftist policies but due to leniency granted to agribusiness interests in the country, resulting in an economic and fuel crisis,» she added.
Enríquez suggested that by exposing corruption at high levels of government, where authorities or their relatives are profiting while ordinary people suffer lining up for three days to get gasoline, Edman Lara was able to secure votes from a dissatisfied citizenry.
«Understanding it this way helps us grasp the dynamics behind the votes for Rodrigo Paz and Edman Lara, as this pairing has tapped into popular sentiments while politically both (Tuto Quiroga) proposed neoliberal adjustments,» she argued.
However, Valentina Enríquez questioned the representativeness of the elections, noting that only 39% of the electorate voted for the two forces that made it to the second round.
«Of the nearly 8 million registered voters in Bolivia, only 39% opted for these two political forces. Thus, what we witnessed was an election without a genuine choice,» she emphasized.
Impact of Null Votes
When asked about the state of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) following the right’s return to power, Enríquez diagnosed a fracture within its base.
«Understanding the outcomes of both the first and second rounds also requires acknowledging the organic breakdown that MAS has experienced over the last five years,» she stated.
She explained that in the first round, the left was divided into three fronts: «the MAS with Eduardo del Castillo’s candidacy, followed by Alianza Popular, and a political stance represented by the null votes led by former president Evo Morales.»
In her view, the phenomenon of null votes was particularly striking. «In the first round, nearly 20% of the votes were null, meaning if it had presented itself as a political party, it could have easily become the third political force in the country, or even the second,» she argued.
However, in the runoff, «the null vote percentage dropped to 4%, returning to historical norms, which is notable because in this second round, Evo Morales ceased campaigning for null votes, and this might also have been perceived by the popular sector as a signal,» suggesting that part of that electorate shifted toward Paz and Lara.
Social Movements Weave Their Defense
In light of the impending government and its program of adjustments, the analyst forecasts a scene of organized resistance. She maintains that the MAS, which «has always been a confluence of social movements,» has undergone a process of «atomization and fragmentation,» yet now the grassroots organizations are generating «their own agendas.»
She cited two pivotal events as evidence. «Recently, from October 6 to 10, a national congress of the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB) took place […], where numerous points were raised, and I believe the most significant is the emergence of a collective agenda from social movements aiming to establish a committee to defend their rights acquired during the process of change, including state strategic companies and natural resources. This means they are already forming defense committees and agendas in anticipation of any privatization attempts,» she indicated.
She also highlighted that «from the 23rd to the 26th of this month, there will be a national congress of CSUTCB, the Confederation of Peasant Workers of Bolivia, which is arguably the largest social movement in the history of the process of change, where I believe both agendas will converge.»
Enríquez concluded with a reflection that sets the tone for the new political era: «We must remain vigilant to see how social organizations reweave themselves, as they will undoubtedly be protagonists in this upcoming season of resistance that Bolivia will face.»
Therefore, Rodrigo Paz’s administration begins its mandate under the long shadow of his lineage, the promise of programmatic adjustment, and an imminent test before a social fabric that is beginning to reorganize to defend accomplishments from the past two decades.
In the broadcast of La Mañanera on Tuesday, October 21, our director analyzed a new case of unjustified charges on electricity bills and interviewed Margarita Paz Araya, President of CONFEDEPRUS and candidate for deputy in District 12.
Watch the complete program below:
